Wat dacht Nietzsche, die niet bepaald positief stond ten opzichte van het christendom, eigenlijk over Jezus? Er wordt immers wel beweerd dat je, wat je verder ook van het christendom denkt, onmogelijk tegen Jezus kunt zijn. In zijn vroege werk noemt Nietzsche hem inderdaad 'de edelste mens'. Maar later heeft hij het over 'een grote egoïst' en in 'Der Antichrist' zegt hij zelfs dat Jezus 'een idioot' was. Wat betekent dat allemaal precies binnen het denken van een filosoof die vaak (...) niet rechtstreeks zegt wat hij eigenlijk bedoelt? Kunnen deze gedachten voor ons vandaag nog iets betekenen? Lepers heeft het volledige oeuvre van Nietzsche onderzocht op uitspraken en beschouwingen over en rond de figuur van Jezus. Dat voert hem tot genuanceerde, soms (schijnbaar?) tegenstrijdige, maar altijd uitdagende antwoorden op de vraag wie en wat Jezus in Nietzsches ogen was en wat hij vanuit dat perspectief voor ons zou kunnen zijn. (shrink)

Les transformations des philosophies hellénistiques constituent, dans l'histoire de la pensée morale entre Renaissance et Lumières, un phénomène d'une fécondité extraordinaire, capital à beaucoup d'égards pour l'étude des "transferts" entre mondes antiques et Europe de la première modernité. Le cas du scepticisme offre de ce point de vue un terrain d'investigation de premier ordre. Or les relations entre scepticisme et pensée morale envisagées dans la longue durée et dans la multiplicité de leurs variations, entre philosophie et littérature, n'ont pas été (...) jusqu'ici étudiées avec l'attention qu'elles méritent. La présente enquête collective a pour ambition de remettre en évidence la finalité essentiellement éthique du scepticisme."--Page 4 of cover. (shrink)

In lieu of an abstract, here is a brief excerpt of the content:Preface: Virtual Entities in ScienceRobert Harlander, Jean-Philippe Martinez, Friedrich Steinle, and Adrian WüthrichIt is not only since the sudden increase of online communication due to the COVID-19 situation that the concept of the “virtual” has made its way into everyday language. In this context, it mostly denotes a digital substitute for a real object or process. Virtual reality is perhaps the best-known term in this respect. With (...) these digital connotations, “virtuality” has also been used in science and research: Chemists use virtual laboratories, biologists do virtual scanning of molecular structures, and geologists engage in virtual field trips. But the concept of the virtual has a much longer tradition, dating back to long before the dawn of the digital age. Virtual images and virtual displacements were introduced in classical physics already in the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, respectively. They represent auxiliary objects or processes without instantiation, with the purpose of efficiently describing specific physical systems. In today’s physics, the term “virtual” is mostly associated with the quantum world, first and foremost with the “virtual particle” of quantum field theory. It has become such an integral part of modern high energy physics that its ontological character may be considered to go beyond the purely auxiliary, which is typically associated with the virtual. [End Page 263]In other disciplines, however, use of the term virtual without a digital connotation is much rarer. While concepts like “virtual adrenaline” show up in physiological research around 1940s, and Charles Darwin, in a private note in January 1840,1 spoke of “virtual change” in the context of embryology, these examples seem to be singular occurrences of entities that were explicitly called “virtual.” The basic idea behind the terminology of the virtual, however, might be much more common, even outside of physics. The “invisible hand” in economics, or the “vital force” in biology, for instance, may carry aspects of a virtual entity, even if they have not been referred to that way.These different observations raise several questions about the status of virtual entities in science. What has led scientists to call one entity “virtual” and not another? Do all virtual entities in science have the same roots and meet the same characteristics? Are they more than auxiliary objects or processes? Why does physics seem to occupy a specific position with respect to the use of the notion of virtuality? These are some points that led us to discuss virtual entities in science during a workshop, out of which grew the present collection. We invited contributions that addressed the historical formation and philosophical interpretation of concepts of virtual entities in physics and other disciplines—in whatever terms they may come. The main goal of the workshop was to bring to the fore similarities and differences in the meanings and functions of these concepts, so as to be able to precisely characterize why certain entities are considered virtual in specific contexts, why a different terminology was often used in each individual case, and in what sense the virtual entities relate to the real world.The organization of the workshop was part of our project “The formation and development of the concept of virtual particles,” a subproject of the Research Unit “The Epistemology of the Large Hadron Collider,” funded by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft (DFG) and Der Wissenschaftsfonds (FWF). The workshop took place online on four consecutive Fridays in March 2021. It brought together contributors who discussed the role of the concept of the virtual in theoretical as well as experimental activities, and investigated into the origins of the terminology of the virtual as it was applied to the various disciplines of natural science. Dealing with historical, philosophical, but also methodological questions, the presentations covered a wide time range, from the Middle Ages to the present day. While physics naturally emerged as the dominant field, natural philosophy, computer science and biology were also addressed. The papers in this volume were contributed by participants in this workshop and approach the subject from different angles. [End Page 264]First, Friedrich Steinle provides us with an introductory piece that reflects on the specific meaning of the use of the term ‘virtual’ in science. He highlights and... (shrink)

Vol. [1]. De Charles S. Peirce à Walter Benjamin -- v. [2]. De Henri de Lubas à Eberhard Jüngel.

This is the introduction to a special issue of 'Science in Context' on vitalism that I edited. The contents are: 1. Guido Giglioni — “What Ever Happened to Francis Glisson? Albrecht Haller and the Fate of Eighteenth-Century Irritability” 2. Dominique Boury— “Irritability and Sensibility: Two Key Concepts in Assessing the Medical Doctrines of Haller and Bordeu” 3. Tobias Cheung — “Regulating Agents, Functional Interactions, and Stimulus-Reaction-Schemes: The Concept of “Organism” in the Organic System Theories of Stahl, Bordeu and Barthez” 4. (...) Charles T. Wolfe & Motoichi Terada — “The Animal Economy as Object and Program in Montpellier Vitalism” 5. Timo Kaitaro — “Can Matter Mark the Hours? – Eighteenth-Century Vitalist Materialism and Functional Properties” 6. Elizabeth Williams —“Of Two Lives One? Jean-Charles-Marguerite-Guillaume Grimaud and the Question of Holism in Vitalist Medicine” 7. Philippe Huneman — “Montpellier Vitalism and the Emergence of Alienism in France (1750-1800): The Case of the Passions” 8. Elke Witt —“Form – A Matter of Generation. The Relation of Generation, Form and Function in the Epigenetic Theory of C.F. Wolff” . (shrink)

When it was first published in France in 1961 as _Folie et Déraison: Histoire de la Folie à l'âge Classique_, few had heard of a thirty-four year old philosopher by the name of Michel Foucault. By the time an abridged English edition was published in 1967 as _Madness and Civilization_, Michel Foucault had shaken the intellectual world. This translation is the first English edition of the complete French texts of the first and second edition, including all prefaces and appendices, some (...) of them unavailable in the existing French edition. _History of Madness_ begins in the Middle Ages with vivid descriptions of the exclusion and confinement of lepers. Why, Foucault asks, when the leper houses were emptied at the end of the Middle Ages, were they turned into places of confinement for the mad? Why, within the space of several months in 1656, was one out of every hundred people in Paris confined? Shifting brilliantly from Descartes and early Enlightenment thought to the founding of the Hôpital Général in Paris and the work of early psychiatrists Philippe Pinel and Samuel Tuke, Foucault focuses throughout, not only on scientific and medical analyses of madness, but also on the philosophical and cultural values attached to the mad. He also urges us to recognize the creative and liberating forces that madness represents, brilliantly drawing on examples from Goya, Nietzsche, Van Gogh and Artaud. The _History of Madness_ is an inspiring and classic work that challenges us to understand madness, reason and power and the forces that shape them. (shrink)

One of the most important questions in the young field of numerical cognition studies is how humans bridge the gap between the quantity-related content produced by our evolutionarily ancient brains and the precise numerical content associated with numeration systems like Indo-Arabic numerals. This gap problem is the main focus of this paper. The aim here is to evaluate the extent to which cultural factors can help explain how we come to think about numbers beyond the subitizing range. To do this, (...) I summarize Clark’s notion of a difference maker in explaining complex causation that criss-crosses between mind and world and apply it to Menary’s Open MIND. MIND Group, Frankfurt, 2015a) discussion of mathematical cognition as a case of enculturation. I argue that while Menary’s views on enculturation can help explain what makes the difference between numerate and anumerate cultures, it cannot help specify what makes the difference between numerate and anumerate individuals. I argue that features of enculturation do not provide an account of innovation capable of explaining how individuals manage to improve and modify the practices of their cultural niche. This is because Menary’s construal of the role of enculturation in the development of mathematical cognition focuses mostly on the inheritance and transmission of practices, not on their origins, which involve individual-level understanding, rather than population-level practices and pressures. The upshot is that culture provides the necessary background conditions against which individuals can innovate. This role is crucial in the development of numerical abilities—crucial, but explanatorily limited. (shrink)

René Descartes n'est pas un auteur consacré de la littérature politique. Pourtant ses textes contiennent de nombreuses vues sur la société et sur l'Etat. Ils définissent la conduite que doit suivre en politique le Philosophe, mais aussi le Prince. Les éléments de sa politique sont, il est vrai, dispersés dans toute son oeuvre et dans son abondante correspondance. Ils sont également illustrés par sa vie. Le premier intérêt de cet ouvrage est de réunir dans un dictionnaire comprenant environ 170 entrées (...) les textes relatifs aux idées, aux sentiments et aux actes politiques de Descartes. Deux études rappellent le contexte historique et mettent en évidence l'actualité de la politique de Descartes. Ses vues sur l'Etat se montrent bien plus modernes que celle de Machiavel ou Hobbes. Et ses préoccupations essentielles sont de tous les temps. Comment avoir une pensée indépendante sans être persécuté? un esprit libre sans troubler ou ruiner la République? Comment se gouverner selon la raison dans la nef de fous décrite par Erasme? Comment ^tre un homme de paix dans un siècle de sang?...Reprochera-t-on à cette politique d'être modeste? Depuis deux ou trois siècle, on semble n'avoir d'estime que pour les systèmes et les utopies, même si tout système est une falsification, même si les lendemains ne chantent jamais. Descartes ne fait pas voyager au pays des chimères, il ne construit pas de mythes. Il enseigne à vivre content et sans illusions, à marcher avec assurance dans le monde comme il va. Voilà pourquoi il est urgent de relire Descartes. (shrink)

Le nom du devin gallois Myrddin a reçu plusieurs étymologies qui satisfont plus ou moins : Myrddin viendrait de *moridunon « Forteresse de la mer », de *mŏrĭi̯īn- « celui de la Mer » ou mirzin / milzin « délicat ». Par ailleurs, le nom roman de Merlin serait celui d’un oiseau, français « merle » ou « Faucon ». Cette étude phonétique, lexicale et mythologique tente de montrer comment Myrddin et Merlin dérivent de la thématisation, bien attestée, du vieux (...) celtique *mero « fou » et que cette appellation a dû signifier « le Maître de la folie », c’est-à-dire « l’Inspiré ». The name of the welsh seer Myrddin has received many etymologies which are more or less satisfactory: Myrddin would come from *moridunon “Fortress of the sea”, from *mŏrĭi̯īn “One of the Sea” or from mirzin / milzin “delicate”. Moreover, Merlin’s roman name would be that of a bird, “Blackbird” or “Falcon”. This phonetical, lexical and mythological analysis try to show how Myrddin and Merlin are connected with the well attested old Celtic stem *mero “mad” and that this designation would have been “The Master of the madness”, which means “The Inspired”. (shrink)

The originals of great classical Greek statuary—cult idols (agalmata) raised in the cella of a temple, or ex-voto (anathemata, offerings) dedicated in a sanctuary, or even, more rarely, political dedications erected in public places, were not destined to be copied and only the pure chance of history, from the fall of Greece to Rome and the emergence of a taste for these works of art, gave rise to a process of copying that would snowball. The Urbild of a Roman imperial (...) effigy was never to remain unique. Quite the contrary, it was, by its very nature, destined to be multiplied from the moment of its completion, for the sake of propaganda and thorough distribution of the emperor's image. At first, we cannot imagine a situation more different. However, today, the historical value of these copies is the same, the original having disappeared in one case as in the other. This is not the only paradox. (shrink)

Pour qui s'intéresse aux formes les plus subtiles de la pensée morale en Europe, ceux que l'on nomme les " moralistes " brillent d'un éclat particulièrement vif. Le moraliste se présente souvent comme " un anatomiste du cœur " OU un spectateur de la vie, non comme l'architecte d'un système ou le porte-parole d'une doctrine générale. La présente enquête collective est tout entière guidée par le souci de s'interroger sur les significations proprement historiques et politiques émanant de l'œuvre des moralistes. (...) Et cela, depuis ce moment de crise politique et morale qui fut celui de La Rochefoucauld jusqu'à l'ère du soupçon de Nietzsche et de ses successeurs : ainsi, tout près de nous, Emil Cioran et Jacques Derrida. Entre ces deux pôles, des lieux essentiels de la pensée et de l'écriture morales sont revisités en ce livre : de La Bruyère à Marivaux, de Graciàn à Vauvenargues et à Chamfort, de Diderot à Joubert. (shrink)

Dans cette contribution, nous examinons, dans la perspective de la grammaire générative version Principles & Parameters, l’architecture des interrogatives, en traitant successivement des questions directes ouvertes et fermées, puis des questions imbriquées, après de brèves considérations théoriques permettant de saisir les niveaux de construction et les différents mouvements mis en jeu. Nous concluons par un très bref aperçu des mêmes structures analysées dans la perspective un peu plus récente du Split-CP, où les projections sont multipliées dans la périphérie gauche des (...) phrases. (shrink)

Naturaliste emblématique de la science victorienne et du darwinisme, Thomas Henry Huxley connaît un certain nombre de traductions de ses ouvrages en France, où quelques naturalistes convertis à la théorie de l’évolution entreprennent de diffuser ses textes et trouvent des relais parmi les éditeurs scientifiques. Grâce à l’étude de la correspondance de Huxley et des sources paratextuelles, cet article vise à reconstituer les réseaux éditoriaux de cette circulation anglo-française des savoirs e...

Naturaliste emblématique de la science victorienne et du darwinisme, Thomas Henry Huxley connaît un certain nombre de traductions de ses ouvrages en France, où quelques naturalistes convertis à la théorie de l’évolution entreprennent de diffuser ses textes et trouvent des relais parmi les éditeurs scientifiques. Grâce à l’étude de la correspondance de Huxley et des sources paratextuelles, cet article vise à reconstituer les réseaux éditoriaux de cette circulation anglo-française des savoirs e...

Publication de graffites éphébiques gravés sur des bancs et sur un hermès de la Palestre du lac à Délos. L'ensemble date des dernières décennies du IIe s. av. J.-C. La plupart des noms déchiffrés sont par ailleurs connus dans l'épigraphie délienne de l'époque athénienne. Cinq sont pour la première fois attestés dans l'île.

L'identification du grand autel de la Place du théâtre à Délos avec l'autel de Dionysos mentionné dans les comptes des hiéropes n'est pas recevable. Tout porte à croire qu'il existait à Délos à l'époque de l'Indépendance un seul autel de Dionysos, situé au Nord-Est du Sanctuaire d'Apollon.

Publication of four fragments of ballot-boxes with grooves which illustrate exactly the description of the kleroteria given by Aristotle, AP, 64. They were probably used to choose the members of the Helie in independent Delos.

The originals of great classical Greek statuary—cult idols (agalmata) raised in the cella of a temple, or ex-voto (anathemata, offerings) dedicated in a sanctuary, or even, more rarely, political dedications erected in public places, were not destined to be copied and only the pure chance of history, from the fall of Greece to Rome and the emergence of a taste for these works of art, gave rise to a process of copying that would snowball. The Urbild of a Roman imperial (...) effigy was never to remain unique. Quite the contrary, it was, by its very nature, destined to be multiplied from the moment of its completion, for the sake of propaganda and thorough distribution of the emperor's image. At first, we cannot imagine a situation more different. However, today, the historical value of these copies is the same, the original having disappeared in one case as in the other. This is not the only paradox. (shrink)